Este trabajo parte de la concepción de la narrativa transmedia por parte de Henry Jenkins como el arte de making worlds, de construir mundos de ficción, para extender los fundamentos teóricos de esta definición al género documental. Si Bill Nichols indica que este género de no ficción tiene per se un gran poder persuasivo -por la naturaleza icónica de sus imágenes y sonidos y por el efecto psicológico de verosimilitud que suscita en el público-, aquí defendemos que este carácter se (...) potencia por medio de la narrativa transmedia. La inmersión, la extrabilidad y la performatividad de este tipo de narrativa lleva a la participación activa del usuario en el mundo transmedia, que coincide con su propio mundo, el real. Por esa razón numerosos proyectos activistas han visto en el documental transmedia una oportunidad tanto para el ejercicio del pensamiento crítico como para el cambio social. (shrink)

El sistema universitario español admite oportunidades de mejora en sus planes de estudios actuales, pues la incorporación de nuevas tecnologías, unidas a las innovaciones educativas, están impulsando la enseñanza superior hacia cambios significativos. La presente propuesta pretende dar cuenta del estudio de un caso donde se implementa un modelo experiencial basado en proyectos centrado en la asignatura: Producción de programas informativos en televisión. En consecuencia, tras la evaluación de esta propuesta formativa donde han participado más de doscientos cincuenta alumnos se (...) ha determinado que podría resultar una alternativa válida y trascendente para aplicarse en futuros cursos académicos. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Seeing Red: Indigenous Land, American Expansion, and the Political Economy of Plunder in North America by Michael John WitgenGeronimo Barrera de la TorreSeeing Red: Indigenous Land, American Expansion, and the Political Economy of Plunder in North America BY MICHAEL JOHN WITGEN Williamsburg, Va., and Chapel Hill, N.C.: Omohundro Institute for the Study of Early American History and Culture and the University of North Carolina Press, 2022The colonial projects (...) of nation-states in the Americas have defined the relationship between states and Indigenous peoples by means of [End Page 138] dispossession, as Anishinaabeg thinker Leanne Betasamosake Simpson asserts.1 Seeing Red delves into the processes through which dispossession of Indigenous land became the ideology and systematic practice behind US expansion as Indigenous communities struggled to reshape their place in the new context. The book carefully details the settler- colonial ideology and logic of elimination that permeated US territorial expansion over the Northwest Territories at the end of the eighteen and the first decades of the nineteenth centuries. Seeing Red thoroughly examines the complex context of dispossession by the US colonial power, centering on Anishinaabeg communities, the “mix- race” population, and the different Indigenous people inhabiting this region. However, the book focuses on what the author names “unthinkable history,” following Michel- Rolph Trouillot’s argument that this region, and the whole continent, was conceived as an unsettled territory instead of belonging to many Indigenous peoples. Thus, the text explores Indigenous and mixed- raced communities’ political imaginaries and imagined futures to retain autonomy and territory.Author Michael John Witgen is a citizen of the Red Cliff Band of Lake Superior Ojibwe and a professor in the Department of History and the Center for the Study of Ethnicity and Race at Columbia University. His research centers on the complex relations between Indigenous people and settler colonizers in the Great Lakes and the Northwest Territories. Seeing Red expands his previous analysis of race, ethnicity, and citizenship intersections, bringing to the fore Indigenous people’s history to rethink the statemaking process in the United States.This book’s pages show that theft lies at the foundation of wealth transfer from Indigenous territories to the United States government and white citizens. The white settler ideology, based on a “doctrine of discovery,” established a stark division between the civilized and uncivilized to rationalize, among other things, the theft of Indigenous people. This is a central argument of the book that signals how the civili zation project underpinning the territorial expansion of the United States was based on the transformation of commons into private property. Indigenous land became critical in the “political economy of plunder” advanced by the state and the meaning of “native” as a racial categorization of exclusion. Chapter 1 explores this economy of plunder by detailing the advancement of the settler frontier through different [End Page 139] mechanisms, such as the treaty policy— subsequently violated by the state— and territory surveying to make land legible for the state and cheap for settlers. It is worth mentioning that the book contains historical and thematic maps that visually represent the ideology of wilderness behind the colonization project and evidence of the territorial extent of dispossession suffered by Indigenous communities. However, this crusade to dispossess Indigenous peoples from their territory also rested on the national mythology that strengthened the trope of Indigenous vanishing. The author shows how during the years of the study, the Indigenous population was not vanishing but immersed in an intricate social world and transregional trade networks. Chapter 2 explores such context, following the story of an Ojibwe man to evidence the context in which settlers and federal officials relied on Indigenous customs to profit from the fur trade while using ties with communities to further land cessions.Mix- race families played a crucial role in expanding the settler frontier through treaty negotiations but remained marginalized as they identified themselves as both Natives and US citizens. Chapter 3 examines the significance of mixed- raced families, particularly women, in establishing and expanding missions’ schools that relied on their domestic and linguistic labor. Moreover, it shows the intricate landscape of the civilization mission that depended on the complex networks that had created... (shrink)

Algunos autores contrarios a la práctica constitucional actualmente dominante han defendido una rigidez constitucional “mínima” como una forma “débil” del constitucionalismo en la que la voluntad mayoritaria puede identificar el alcance de los derechos fundamentales por encima de las determinaciones judiciales. El objetivo de este trabajo es plantear algunas reflexiones críticas sobre dicha propuesta, adoptando para ello como parámetro normativo la racionalidad intrínseca de la práctica constitucional contemporánea en las democracias liberales. Dicha argumentación crítica avanza del siguiente modo: en primer (...) lugar, se discute la distinción formal entre sistemas de control jurisdiccional “fuerte” y “débil”; en segundo lugar, se pone en duda la supuesta relevancia de la reforma constitucional en la concreción histórica de los derechos básicos; y, por último, se rechaza la rigidez constitucional mínima entendida como parte de un modelo constitucional genuinamente alternativo diseñado para superar la práctica constitucional dominante. (shrink)

In cybersecurity, there is a call for adaptive, accurate and efficient procedures to identifying performance shortcomings and security breaches. The increasing complexity of both Internet services and traffic determines a scenario that in many cases impedes the proper deployment of intrusion detection and prevention systems. Although it is a common practice to monitor network and applications activity, there is not a general methodology to codify and interpret the recorded events. Moreover, this lack of methodology somehow erodes the possibility of diagnosing (...) whether event detection and recording is adequately performed. As a result, there is an urge to construct general codification and classification procedures to be applied on any type of security event in any activity log. This work is focused on defining such a method using the so-called normalized compression distance (NCD). NCD is parameter-free and can be applied to determine the distance between events expressed using strings. As a first step in the concretion of a methodology for the integral interpretation of security events, this work is devoted to the characterization of web logs. On the grounds of the NCD, we propose an anomaly-based procedure for identifying web attacks from web logs. Given a web query as stored in a security log, a NCD-based feature vector is created and classified using a support vector machine. The method is tested using the CSIC-2010 data set, and the results are analyzed with respect to similar proposals. (shrink)

El presente volumen está dedicado a la reflexión filosófica inter-cultural y, por ello, con nombre propio, a Raúl Fornet-Betancourt, figura prominente en este ámbito del pensar contemporáneo en Latinoamérica, El Caribe y Europa. Es en gran parte gracias al Prof. Fornet-Betancourt que la voz de los pueblos hispanohablantes de América es escuchada actualmente como expresión de un modo de pensar propio que, sin abandonar el profundo y amplio conocimiento de la tradición, asume nuevas problemáticas y objetos de reflexión, como también (...) permanentes y antiguos dilemas de la existencia hu-mana, desde una perspectiva de diálogo entre culturas. Esta perspec-tiva, abierta a la sensibilidad creativa de la rica mixtura afrodescen-diente, indígena y europea que configura el amplio ethos espiritual de Centroamérica, el Caribe y América Latina, habla al mundo desde lo propio que no se encierra en sus límites, sino que, por el contrario, se atreve en igualdad de condiciones a entrar en diálogo con otras culturas en torno a lo sido del mundo, del hoy que nos compete y de lo que adviene desde ya en el presente. Este es el legado que ya desde hace algunos años construye el Prof. Fornet-Betancourt, y que sirve de marco de referencia a la mayoría de artículos que conforman este número especial de nuestra revista en su honor. (shrink)

Code-based cryptography is currently the second most promising post-quantum mathematical tool for quantum-resistant algorithms. Since in 2022 the first post-quantum standard Key Encapsulation Mechanism, Kyber (a latticed-based algorithm), was selected to be established as standard, and after that the National Institute of Standards and Technology post-quantum standardization call focused in code-based cryptosystems. Three of the four candidates that remain in the fourth round are code-based algorithms. In fact, the only non-code-based algorithm (SIKE) is now considered vulnerable. Due to this landscape, (...) it is crucial to update previous results about these algorithms and their functioning. The Fujisaki-Okamoto transformation is a key part of the study of post-quantum algorithms and in this work we focus our analysis on Classic McEliece, BIKE and HQC proposals, and how they apply this transformation to obtain IND-CCA semantic security. Since after security the most important parameter in the evaluation of the algorithms is performance, we have compared the performance of the code-based algorithms of the NIST call considering the same architecture for all of them. (shrink)

A reflection on the philosophical traditions at the Autonomous University of Nuevo Leon and in the city of Monterrey.

En este trabajo argumentaré primero que para entender las relaciones entre el populismo la democratización y el autoritarismo hay que partir de las experiencias latinoamericanas donde los populismos han retado al poder y han gobernado desde los años 40. Los científicos sociales latinoamericanos teorizaron y debatieron sobre el populismo desde que Gino Germani escribió en los años 50 sobre el peronismo y los investigadores europeos y norteamericanos deberían tomar en serio la larga y compleja bibliografía latinoamericana sobre el tema. Además, (...) Latinoamérica es la región en la que se han dado los populismos más benignos e incluyentes, mientras que las caras más autoritarias del populismo de derecha se han manifestado en los Estados Unidos y en algunos países de Europa. Mi segundo argumento es que hay que diferenciar las críticas populistas al poder constituido que señalan los déficits de participación y representación de las democracias de sus soluciones que reducen la complejidad de la democracia, la sociedad civil y la esfera pública a la lucha entre dos campos antagónicos. Mi tercer argumento es que hay que diferenciar entre inclusión y democratización. Los populismos latinoamericanos, desde el peronismo hasta el chavismo, han incluido políticamente, étnicamente y socio-económicamente a los sectores marginados. Sin embargo a su vez han atentado en contra del pluralismo, han manufacturado enemigos y han cerrado espacios a la oposición. Mi cuarto argumento es que si bien los populismos comparten una lógica política no todos son iguales. Algunos politizan las exclusiones alrededor del eje mercado-estado, otros alrededor de temas culturales como la identidad del pueblo y la nación. Unos usan criterios étnicos para construir al pueblo, mientras que otros politizan las exclusiones socioeconómicas. (shrink)

This volume aims to generate a dialogue between scholarship on populism and social and political theory. It focuses on citizenship, class, gender, cleavages, sovereignty, accountability, participation, leadership, and parties. The volume explores how classical and current theorists developed these categories, how they were used by scholars of populism, and what populism tells us about their heuristic advantages and limitations. The authors of this book have studied populism in Europe, the US, and Latin America from distinct perspectives. The chapters thus focus (...) on experiences in both the Global North and South. Contributors are: Cecilia Biancalana, Paula Diehl, Reinhard Heinisch, Klaudia Koxha, Alfio Mastropaolo, Oscar Mazzoleni, Enrique Peruzzotti, Kenneth M. Roberts, Luis Roniger, and Carlos de la Torre. (shrink)

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Algunos autores contrarios a la práctica constitucional actualmente dominante han defendido una rigidez constitucional “mínima” como una forma “débil” del constitucionalismo en la que la voluntad mayoritaria puede identificar el alcance de los derechos fundamentales por encima de las determinaciones judiciales. El objetivo de este trabajo es plantear algunas reflexiones críticas sobre dicha propuesta, adoptando para ello como parámetro normativo la racionalidad intrínseca de la práctica constitucional contemporánea en las democracias liberales. Dicha argumentación crítica avanza del siguiente modo: en primer (...) lugar, se discute la distinción formal entre sistemas de control jurisdiccional “fuerte” y “débil”; en segundo lugar, se pone en duda la supuesta relevancia de la reforma constitucional en la concreción histórica de los derechos básicos; y, por último, se rechaza la rigidez constitucional mínima entendida como parte de un modelo constitucional genuinamente alternativo diseñado para superar la práctica constitucional dominante. (shrink)

Critique du livre Religarnos. Au-delà du monopole de la religion, par Elías González.

La Doctrina penal contemporánea recurre al principio de ultima ratio para satisfacer la tarea principal de reducir al máximo la arbitrariedad del Derecho penal, pues a través de su significado, la legitimidad del delito y de la pena se somete a la condición de la inexistencia axiológica y empírica de otros recursos jurídicos menos drásticos para solventar idóneamente el conflicto que genera su apertura. No obstante, la deriva punitivista en que ha degenerado la necesaria expansión del Derecho penal en la (...) sociedad del riesgo, pone en duda su verdadera capacidad limitadora, especialmente por su escasa vinculación a los poderes públicos. Pero nada más lejos de la realidad, el desarrollo actual de la Dogmática de los Derechos Fundamentales permite a la Doctrina penal afirmar que, en el Estado constitucional, el Derecho penal mínimo es a su vez el Derecho penal máximo permitido por la Constitución. (shrink)

There are several lessons to be learned from the COVID-19. The crisis of 2020 not only had exposed the vulnerability of populations but also several unequalities. In this sense, autonomy, equity, equality, and other ethical basic principles define what ought to be done and also the limits of action, “drawing the line”. Equity is a core principle in public health. Justice as fairness could exemplify the normative and cognitive dimensions of principles. Equality defines the line to close the gender gap, (...) dramatically exposed by pandemics. Care práctice and care ethics are basic for health policies. Beyond autonomy, ethical principles allow us to identify the best practices in public health. (shrink)

Several studies have examined victim blaming in rape scenarios. However, there is limited research on the analysis of the perception of blame when two or more perpetrators are involved. The present article explores the perception of blame in cases involving rape based on the level of resistance shown by the victim and the presence of one or more perpetrators. A study was carried out involving 351 university students who responded to a survey after reading a hypothetical assault scenario. Six situations (...) were established where the victim showed either low or high resistance, depending on whether the resistance was verbal or physical and verbal, and in the presence of one or two male perpetrators. It is expected that perpetrators are more culpable when acting in groups and that less resistance from the victim leads to greater attribution of blame. The results confirm that more blame is attributed to the perpetrators when they act in groups than when they act alone. Likewise, women consider the victim generally exerts greater resistance and this variable influences the attribution of greater blame. (shrink)

A revised and expanded edition of the text that presents a justice-based ethics that avails itself of the perspectives and experiences of those on the margins.